Values and culture in Arab Democracy

By Andrew Romanin

A democracy is only as good as the values and culture that inform its participants.This fact is taken for granted in established democracy, but can become a vital force in countries that are transitioning to democracy.

Following the populist uprisings that have dotted the Arab world, the question of where to from here has taken a much defined form of not hope or consideration for a transition to democracy across the region, but one of expectation.  With the West peering through their  democratic binoculars  there is an expectation that the Arab world will fully embrace our democratic processes and societies. Whilst the potential excites hope and optimism, the cultural and regional practices of the Arab world will frustrate those who are keen to see swift change, prolonging the transition period.

Mass scenes of protest during the Arab Spring where banners read “Freedom” and the crowd shouts for “Justice” are indicative of a society embracing democracy. Whilst few would doubt they are welcome scenes in a region that has suffered oppressive regimes and leaders, democracy is not a one size fits all solution. There's a significant distinction to be made between a democratic "process" and a democratic “culture.” The former may take the shape of free and fair elections; the latter includes things like peaceful transfers of power, rule of law, inalienable individual rights, minority rights, property rights, gender equality, separation of religion and government, and freedom of speech for intellectuals.

It’s easy to mistake process with culture, and particularly for proponents of Western democracy who will inevitably hang their hat on such achievements. Elections constitute a necessary requirement of a democracy, but without a democratic culture, elections have the potential to fail in empowering the right people.

The challenge for those Arab states which are now seeking to embrace democracy is the manner in which incumbent rulers, opposition, and the citizen body, will respond to the unexpected nuances of democracy that conflict with existing cultural norms. Put simply, the process for instilling the aforementioned elements of cultural democracy will not be as easy for these societies to adopt as they may have first thought, and will contribute to instances of conflict with Western democratic principles.

A likely point of conflict is the role of women in Arabic societies. The low representation of females in these nations’ public life is influenced by a number of context-specific factors, particularly the underlying mentality that men and women should maintain traditional roles. This presents a significant hurdle for the adoption of democratic institutions akin to those found in the West. Arab societies have been united in their call for universal freedom and change, but for many, the inevitable shift in the role of women that will be a precondition for transitory democracy will cause anxiety and suspicion.

The presence of women in positions of power and in a more accessible education system will have its opponents. These opponents will cause angst, and it is in such instances that the cultural traditions of Arabic society will encounter a point of difference with democratic values. Arguably a change of such magnitude that pervades all aspects of political, social and economic life will be difficult to accept, requiring a period of adjustment.

Similarly, the reach of Islam in Arab societal life presents a challenge for the architects of these proposed democratic states. The importance of religion in day to day life, and its current interplay with the state would not be permissible under a secular democratic system. Again a realignment of values and divesting religion of its privileged status is a major deviation from the cultural norm. Admittedly, religion permeates the politics of many Western democracies to varying degrees, but there is little comparison with the Middle East. The primacy of separation of religion and state in a democracy must be upheld. Thus, informing a people that for centuries have understood and accepted the link between religion and state, a move away from this will cause many to question the motivations of democracy.

This is not to say that incompatibility with democracy exists in the current values and cultural norms of the Arabic world. All emerging democracies have to begin somewhere, and all bring their own ‘baggage’ along with them. The events of the Arab Spring demonstrate a potential for democracy in the region. This alone has provided a strong a platform of consensus within society that has initiated a move towards democracy. The existing values and culture of Arab society will dictate the shape and form of democracy that ultimately emerges. It will not be identical to that of the West, and nor should it. Those entrusted to lead the Arab world as it transitions will, however, need to acknowledge and reconcile very real differences and conflicts between democracy and traditional Arab culture and values, and find ways to harmonise these.

The real challenge now begins. The Arab citizen body is faced with the challenge of not only building democracy, but understanding and learning it. The, as yet, unexpected and unknown elements of democracy for the average Egyptian or Libyan individual will clash with long established cultural norms and values central to daily life; it is such indifference that could ultimately create the greatest obstacle to democratic transition. Moving forward, the values and culture that states of the Arab Spring utilise to inform its participants will result in democratic boom or bust.

Andrew Romanin completed a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and History from the University of Melbourne in 2009. He currently works as a Coordinator of Emergency Recovery with the Red Cross.